Saturday, September 28, 2019

Reservation is the biggest fraud played upon the First Principle of Equality


Reservation in education is the biggest fraud played upon the first principle of fundamental rights i.e. equality. 



 ‘Divide a loaf by a knife—what’s the answer to that?’
‘I suppose—’ Alice was beginning, but the Red Queen answered for her. ‘Bread-and-butter, of course. Try another Subtraction sum. Take a bone from a dog: what remains?’
Alice considered. ‘The bone wouldn’t remain, of course, if I took it—and the dog wouldn’t remain; it would come to bite me—and I’m sure I shouldn’t remain!’
‘Then you think nothing would remain?’ said the Red Queen.
‘I think that’s the answer.’
‘Wrong, as usual,’ said the Red Queen: ‘the dog’s temper would remain.’

-Through the Looking-Glass
 


Article 14. The State shall not deny to any person equality before the law or the equal protection of the laws within the territory of India.  

Article 15. The State shall not discriminate against any citizen on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex, place of birth or any of them. 

Article 16. Equality of opportunity in matters of public employment
(1) There shall be equality of opportunity for all citizens in matters relating to employment or appointment to any office under the State
 (2) No citizen shall, on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex, descent, place of birth, residence or any of them, be ineligible for, or discriminated against in respect or, any employment or office under the State.
These are the contents of the Constitution of India. It is held sacred by the many who were and are deriving benefits of the flagrant violation of the first principle. 

The First Amendment of the Constitution of India trampled upon the fundamental rights of majority of Indians. It amplified Art 15 (3) by adding 

(4) Nothing in this article or in clause (2) of Article 29 shall prevent the State from making any special provision for the advancement of any socially and educationally backward classes of citizens or for the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes.

This is genesis of powers of the State to provide reservation in education.

The belief that the Constitution provided reservation in education only for 10 years is incorrect. The provision for 10 years applies to reservation of seats in Lok Sabha, Assemblies and elections to local bodies. Contrary to common belief, the politicians have not been extending reservation in education. That reservation is open-ended. It is not likely to stop after ten or twenty years. It’s designed to go on forever.

As is the reservation in government jobs.  They may shrink. The government may downsize its operations. Class IV jobs may be outsourced. But the government goes on increasing percentage of reservation, regardless of consequences. Reservation means not only provision of seats, but fees subsidized by the State, special provisions for lodging, boarding, scholarship and training for the new reserved class. Plus the other economic entitlements in the name of special provisions like soft loans via various Backward Class Development Corporations, apprenticeship in government run institutions etc.

Nondiscrimination on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex, place of birth or any of them was a fundamental right. Reservation curtailed it. Reservation discriminates between otherwise equal citizens on all grounds that the Constitution specifically prohibits. Reservation is the worst form of discrimination. It continues for generations. Its benefits are gained by birth and not by any voluntary act. 


Neo-Buddhists, converts from one religion to another enjoy reservation. The category Scheduled Tribes is discrimination on account of alleged race. They are described as original inhabitants [मूलनिवासी] by the radical elements, thereby stamping all others as outsiders. Reservation for Scheduled Castes [SC] is discriminatory on ground of caste. Birthright of reservation to ward of a reserved category student is discriminatory on ground of descent. Domicile rules are discriminatory on ground of place of birth and residence.

The State discriminates on all grounds prohibited by the Constitution. Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh have provided reservation to Muslims, based on their religion. Maratha reservation has been granted on the basis of caste. The reservation for female seats on various local bodies is perverse discrimination on the ground of sex.
Constitutional principles are followed more in breach than in compliance.
Constitution has been amended 103 times, altering its nature. Today, it’s a caricature of the all-inclusive, benevolent, egalitarian document that it was intended to be. Far from inducing fraternity amongst citizens, the seeds of discord sown by the discrimination are bearing ever bitter fruit.

The worst changes have been the provisions enabling reservations. Though founding fathers debated about the quantum of reservation, no time limit was provided. Though the Constitution provides for socially and educationally backward classes, no yardstick has been devised in the seventy years of its functioning to define what these classes should mean and include. The age old division of castes has been perpetuated and further entrenched by reservation policies. The very caste which was the basis of discrimination is now a source of fierce pride. Far from annihilation of caste, the reservation system has made caste the primary identity.
Qualification and eligibility for professional courses has been diluted from time to time. There is now no minimum qualifying marks criterion for reserved category candidates. The disparity in cut-off numbers is gut-wrenching. The meritorious get admissions to the prestigious colleges in branches of their choice. Merit is a matter of distinction amongst the eligible and qualified. So the cry of “save merit” is a misconception. Merit is already safe. What is at stake is the fate of the ‘other’ qualified and eligible students. They are the most affected by reservation policy.

Traditionally, medical education has been the most sought after field for the topmost talent in India. But increasing percentage coupled with so many parallel reservations frustrates the efforts of students to secure a seat in an adequately equipped government medical college. After their studious efforts at securing sufficient marks in qualifying examinations yield expected results, reservation snatches away their chance to get any seat in a professional course. The better off amongst them are forced to seek admissions in private colleges or deemed universities at exorbitant cost. Rest of the talented pool is just refused the reward for their dedicated study for four or more years.

Situation is similar in colleges offering other professional courses. The IITs lose many students in the first year itself, leading to loss of utilization of infrastructure and manpower deployed at huge cost.
All around the country, there is outcry against the poor quality of teachers appointed from reserved category. There are news about villages striking to protest against appointment of substandard teachers appointed on reservation quota. The adverse impact on excellence in work and administration due to appointment of under-qualified candidates to responsible government posts is being subjected to ridicule on social media. 
The end is not in sight, but the battle has begun. The open category is owning up to its past and claiming impartiality. Why should they suffer for the alleged excesses of their ancestors? Why should a person incapable of doing routine calculations find his name in the list of admissions to prestigious colleges? Why should a person scoring zero in two subjects out of three be held eligible for admission to a professional course where much more qualified candidates do not get a seat?

Reservation as it exists today is the curse of India. Rethinking reservation policy may provide resurgence of India as a dominating force on the world map. Reservation, quota or आरक्षण; by whatever name called, the special provisions made by the government for advancement of backward classes are hated by people who do not benefit by it. Much has happened since the adoption of the Constitution about seventy years ago. Yet, there has been no review of the widely despised policy.

According to critics, the unending conferral of benefits on people born in certain castes (above 500 in Maharashtra) is inherently flawed because caste alone does not make a person disadvantaged. Further, the benefits include not only procuring seats but also in scholarships, fees waiver, lower qualifying marks and age relaxation etc. The list goes on. They include advantage in chance of education, post-graduation, employment as well as promotion.
Reservation in education and employment is a hot topic of discussion, particularly amongst the youth and their parents. With ‘career’ being of utmost concern, Indians view good education as a guarantee of assured economic wellbeing. Employment on salary is a gateway to a safe life in India where very few people think of starting a new venture unless they are forced to. 

Since the extension of reservation to Marathas in Maharashtra [SEBC] and Economically Weaker Sections [EWS] by the Centre, the debate around reservation has taken a new head. It intensified after the statement of RSS Chief Mohan Bhagwat that there should be a cordial debate between those opposed to reservation and those in its favour. There is renewed awareness about the issue, but little understanding of it. 

The beneficiaries of reservation have appropriated Constitution as a sacred text. The government has endorsed this by making reading of the Preamble mandatory on certain occasions. The Preamble has literally been engraved upon prominent places in premises of Courts and other official places. But the Constitution did not originally provide for reservation in education and employment. 

The Constitution provides reservation for political offices i.e. the Panchayats, the Lok Sabha, the legislative assemblies of the States and the Municipalities. And those reservations are for a specific period. The Constitution of India originally provided
Article 334.
Notwithstanding anything in the foregoing provisions of this Part, the provisions of Constitution relating to
(a) the reservation of seats for the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes in the House of the People and in the Legislative Assemblies of the States;
[and (b) xxxxxxx]
 shall cease to have effect on the expiration of a period of (ten) years from the commencement of this Constitution.

The ten years have been unanimously extended every ten years. The seventh extension will expire in 2020. The original (ten) years has been replaced by (seventy) vide the 95th Amendment to the Constitution.  

The part of the Constitution enabling the State to make provisions for advancement of backward classes or Scheduled Castes or Scheduled Tribes is contained in sub-clause (4) of Articles 15. This was introduced by the First Amendment to the Constitution in 1951. The First Amendment was the first and biggest blow to the idea of qualification and competence being the criteria for selection for education. The first thing changed in the Constitution was the assurance of equality of opportunity and non-discrimination.

In the name of special provisions, the pitch was queered for under-qualified and substandard candidates. The very idea of non-discrimination and equality of opportunity was subverted by the introduction of special provisions, the foremost being reservation.

The enabling provisions have been used by State Governments to confer untold benefits upon the ‘reserved’ categories. As mentioned above, the list is endless. The socialist welfare state idolized by Nehru, and modeled on the U. S. S. R. meant that the government took upon itself the upliftment of the citizens. The Social Welfare Department schemes are virtual charities dispensing aid to all; looking for opportunities to bestow benefits on as wide a range of citizens as possible. For a resource hungry nation such as India, this is a disastrous policy. The special measures to be taken by the government for the downtrodden could have been a good step towards removal of inequalities. On the contrary, it has created a society polarized between the privileged at birth by reservation and those qualified for the seat by hard work.

Fundamental Rights, the third part of the Constitution in which the right to equality and prohibition of discrimination on the grounds of “religion, race, caste, sex, place of birth or any of them” are enshrined itself empowered the government to trample upon the rights of millions of deserving candidates from getting seats in education or employment that they deserved. There is no end in sight. The demands for evermore concessions, facilities and privileges are ceded by state governments. They do so to please the sizeable population which has been voting en masse for parties giving sops. More and more castes, groups and communities are seeking reservation or inclusion in a category with more opportunities. Powerful communities which have ruled states for decades by political strength have become vociferous in their demand for inclusion in ‘backward class’ or for grant of reservation.

The politically strong Maratha community which was categorized as ‘forward caste’ by the Mandal Commission has successfully obtained reservation in Maharashtra as Socially and Educationally Backward [SEBC] Class, the only caste to be so characterized, distinct from the 346 castes included in the Other Backward Classes [OBC]. It is ironic that Kunbis, a caste which has been held to be the same as Marathas, is included along with (Leva, Kunbi, Leva Patidar) Kunbi Maratha and Maratha Kunbi at Serial No 83 of the list of OBCs in Maharashtra. With the Bombay High Court upholding the SEBC reservation at 12% for education and 13% for employment, coupled with 10% given by EWS, Maharashtra students are burdened by 74% reservation.

The provision for reservation in education is discretionary, that is, the government has provided reservation in education as a special measure. The reservation in employment is mandatory. Lost in the din is Article, which 335 provides that claims of the SC and ST shall be taken into consideration while employing people for service in the Union and States. However, the provisions of special measures in employment are to be used only when the government thinks that the backward class is not adequately represented in services under the state. There is no such qualification for educational seats.

Various states have made reservation laws different in percentage and composition. Disparity in reservation in various states is because reservation is a State subject. The only central reservation is the latest EWS. It is yet to be tested in the Supreme Court. Decision on that matter by the Supreme Court will provide a guideline to the future of reservations in India.

Recent events have galvanized the otherwise pliant ‘open category’ into action. Protest marches, dharna andolan, ghantanaad, loud posters against reservation are seen in various cities. Social media is abuzz with unreserved (अनारक्षित) pride. There is discussion about the size and extent of open category. Ways and means of tackling the issues are being discussed. Various organisations with differing aims and ideologies are matching horns for public attention and wider following.The open category has found a new voice to talk about ending reservation.


The nation’s resources are poured into confirming that education qualification tested by scientific methods is the only criteria for successful completion of professional courses. Sadly, that confirmation comes from the high rates of dropouts of students from the reserved category in the first year itself.  

There is bound to be fierce resistance to the increased reservation. How tolerant should the public at large be? The ‘cordial debate’ suggested by Mohan Bhagwat may not happen. But debate and furious discussion around the topic of reservation is underway and thriving.

It is argued that total reliance of the said class on these provisions have made them less competitive. The incentive to study hard is taken away by the assurance of a seat for a reserved category student, and hence their poor performance, goes a theory. The founding fathers believed that the oppressed classes would never be competent to compete with the privileged few on basis of merit.

The insertion of special provisions for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes was supposed to be bestowal of special favours on an underprivileged class. That has long been turned topsy turvy. A proviso to the Constitutional promise of equality before law given as a fundamental right has become the most potent tool for discrimination against open category students. The ‘special provision’ of reservation has snatched away 74% seats from the open category. Exception has become the norm. Normalcy in education i.e. opportunity on the basis of qualification and eligibility is gasping for survival. Something is seriously wrong.

Time to ask some serious questions. If the reserved category students are otherwise capable, and only the idea of an assured seat is making them complacent, why not remove reservation in seats altogether? And if they are inherently incapable of achieving higher education or competing on the basis of merit with other students, why are the government bent upon so much to make them occupy seats meant for only the best and most studious candidates?  

© Adv. Shrirang Choudhary

Friday, August 23, 2019

What is the percentage of the open category?


आधे इधर जाओ
 आधे उधर जाओ
बाकी मेरे पिछे आओ
The Jailor in Sholay
 The most used argument while talking about the reservation system in India is the percentage of the castes in the total population to which reservation is granted. What is the percentage of open category people? How many people are out of the so-called backward classes? It is vexed question of imperfectly applied law and incomplete facts.
There has been no caste based census since 1921. Many castes were included in the reserved category over the years by successive governments. The exact number of castes which are considered open category is not clear. The Scheduled Castes [SC] and Scheduled Tribes [ST] are listed in Presidential Order. Other Backward Classes [OBCs], a category which was provided for in the Constitution was not granted reservation till after the implementation of the Mandal Commission report. Various states have their own lists of these reserved castes. A caste which finds itself in the ST lists of one state may be in open category in some other state.
There is no list of open category people available. There are castes, subcastes and further divisions within castes based on various factors. There has been no attempt even to gather data about this diversity.
From the miniscule number of Parsis to sizeable population of Sikhs, from uncounted lakhs of Jains to multitudes of converted Christians, many minority communities enjoy special protection and status under the Constitution, but they are open category too.
Maharashtra is a composite of parts from various erstwhile states made into one after the linguistic reorganization of states. Because of its dense forest cover and rich rural life, various tribes and castes thrived in Maharashtra. After industrialization there has been massive influx of people from out of Maharashtra due to various factors. Arguably, Maharashtra is the most cosmopolitan of all states. With industries and businesses, it attracts skilled labour, investors and entrepreneurs from other states. As in all societies, immigrants excel in academics in Maharashtra. Many immigrants become open category people, because of rules regarding domicile for availing caste reservations. Sindhi, Punjabi, Marwari, Kayastha, Telugu, Kannada, Tamil and various other people have made Maharashtra their home. Many of these do not enjoy any reservation benefit.
Many Muslim castes are included in the OBCs, but there are so many others who are in open category. In 2014, along with Maratha reservation, some more castes of Muslims were provided reservation, vide an ordinance. The challenge to this ordinance was rejected by the Bombay High Court regarding reservation for Muslims in education. But the ordinance was not turned into law. The ordinance lapsed in due course. As of now, many Muslims are in open category.  
Another class of people in open category in Maharashtra are people not having caste validity certificates, though they have caste certificates as belonging to this or that category. Of course, the creamy layer of the OBCs and the newly minted SEBCs are to be counted in the open class.
The trouble lies in the fact that the OBCs were given reservation without any census determining their percentage in the population. Likewise, the latest reservation given to the Marathas is not based any figures about population. Admittedly, there was no census. The claim that they constitute 32% of the population is not supported by any data. There is also no data to show that the percentage of SC and ST population was allotted adequate representation or otherwise. Since the implementation of various reservations, castes have been added to it. Proportionately, by the logic of it, percentage of reservation should have been increased. But as has been held by Courts time and again, the aim and object of reservation is “adequate,” not “proportionate” representation.
In Indra Sawhney’s case, the Supreme Court capped the percentage at 50%. The principle laid down in that case, and as stated by the Supreme Court while hearing EWS matter, the law is maximum 50% reservation. It means that 50% should be left for meritorious candidates.
 Again, it is to be understood that 50% are not reserved only for so called open category. They are for all who are meritorious. As to reserved category candidates objecting to the recent demand for reservation no more than 50%, only this. Meritorious from various categories take up seats from open category and use earmarking to give benefit to another candidate. Creamy layer students from across all categories also take up seats from open category.   
And lastly, where’s the list of open category castes? Where are the numbers which say that they are only this or that percentage of the population? Who are beneficiaries of reservation to say that this much is sufficient for hardworking students?
Meticulously kept records of births and deaths, even a cursory statistical analysis from the Transfer Certificates [TCs] issued in a particular academic year by all schools in Maharashtra will provide adequate data for the government to form estimates of the caste-wise percentages of different sections of the society. Are we ready?
Adv. Shrirang Choudhary

Saturday, July 20, 2019

Feasibility of private professional colleges exclusively for open category





The White Rabbit put on his spectacles.
 'Where shall I begin, please your Majesty?' he asked.
'Begin at the beginning,' the King said gravely,
 'and go on till you come to the end: then stop.' 
- Alice's adventures in Wonderland


There is a lot of discussion going on about the ways and means to combat the oppressive reservation imposed by the Maharashtra Government. The 16% reservation prescribed by the Government was pared down to 12% by the High Court. But together with 10 % reservation for Economically Weaker Sections [EWS], the reservation for education in Maharashtra has increased to 74%, an increase of 22% over the last year. 

The EWS quota was supposed to be implemented after increasing seats by 25% and to a large extent that has been complied with. The government has also promised to increase seats so as to compensate for the loss of open seats due to introduction of SEBC [Maratha] reservation. Yet as per a writ petition filed before the Nagpur Bench, the number of seats available for open category has decreased by 259. 

There are other issues regarding reservations. The pinch is being acutely felt because the generation suffering this increase was not a witness to the disruption of the social order caused by the implementation of the Mandal Commission Report. It had become almost immune to the existing reservation, maybe resigned to fate. 

Maratha reservation was a body blow to the medical fraternity, an elite and exclusive club where till about two decades ago, admission was more or less on the basis of talent. The gradual increase in regulations, the stringent conditions for getting through the course, the introduction of NEET had all contributed to the medical field being open to a select few who had the resources, willingness and above all dedication to devote at least eight years of life to become a specialist.
 Success in medical education was difficult but achievable with the right coaching, guidance and wise counseling at appropriate times. The medical fraternity is an insular community where hard work is rewarded, dedication is prized and talent is always recognized. This community, however, is built on the premise that there are seats available for the truly talented students, despite reservations taking away a sizeable chunk. But suddenly, almost half of the open seats are in danger of being gone forever. The very foundations are now rocking. 

Resultant panic has made sensible people propose wild theories, seek unviable solutions or worse, engage in escapist fantasies. Professionals who seldom took note of external events, rarely participated in social gatherings except of their own with the exception of Rotary and Lions etc are now vociferously advocating principles of equal opportunity and singing praises of meritocracy. There is amongst these bewildered people a growing number seeking establishment of privately funded medical colleges where the sole criterion for admission would be merit i.e. there would be no reservations. Is a medical (or any professional) college without reservations of any sorts feasible?

For a private medical college, the logistical difficulty of creating physical infrastructure and running the mandatory hospital with required number of beds apart; a big problem is the finance required. There are said to be financiers for the right projects, amongst them NRIs and wealthy Indian individuals. But the poor record of most privately run medical colleges show the mismatch between costs incurred and fees to be collected from students. It is a secret well known that the teaching staff requirements are scarcely met at such colleges. The quality of education is perfunctionary at best. The worst does not bear being written in black and white.

Where would you find quality doctors to impart education in private medical colleges? Would successful doctors, skilled surgeons, super-specialists with their own establishments to look after give time to teach? The professors around whom departments are built, the legends with giant minds but sharp tongues, the otherwise indifferent people who sparkle when addressing a classroom - all were borne of a system which guaranteed a secure salary, promotions and a pension. Take out the role of the benevolent employee i.e. the government and what remains of the entire apparatus?

Private individuals or companies who now have their own chains of branded hospitals can certainly be persuaded to play that role. But these corporate entities have their allegiance to the shareholders - money is their primary motivation, medical services are the means to earn that money. But even for these hospitals, the required number of beds for a medical college would mean having to throw their doors open. Away goes their exclusivity and the patients would start to look at another private hospital just 5 kms away.

Even if these practicalities are taken care of, there is no guarantee that the management of such colleges could keep the seats in the college out of the purview of reservation. The SEBC Act providing the most recent Maratha reservation makes it amply clear that the reservation will apply to all institutions except minority institutions.    

The definition of "educational institutes" to which the SEBC Act applies is as under, 

“educational institutions” includes the educational institutions in the
State of Maharashtra owned and controlled by the Government, which receives grant-in-aid from the Government, including a University established by or under the relevant Maharashtra Acts, including private educational institutions, whether aided or un-aided by the State, other than the minority educational institutions referred to in clause (1) of article 30 of the Constitution of India.
Explanation.—For the purposes of this clause, the expression “private educational institutions” means institutions which have been given either prior to coming into force of this Act or thereafter, aid in the form of Government land at concessional rates or any other monetary concessions by the Government, or are recognized, permitted, supervised or controlled by the Government.

The only category excluded from reservation is minority educational institutions as per Article 30 of the Constitution. The issue of minority educational institutions as the solution for escaping the clutches of reservation is logically sound. Yet the minority should be either religious or linguistic in character. 

There is a landmark ruling which can be interpreted to mean that anything less than 50% of the aggregate can be termed minority. That way, all languages except Marathi, Hindi, English and Gujarati can be said to be linguistic minority languages. So people speaking Ahirani, Warhadi and other dialects of Marathi would be within their rights to start educational institutions and get benefits flowing from Article 30, but by definition these institutions would not be for open category. And it would be a herculean task to gather resources and manpower to take it through to the establishment of institutes.

The stringent but inclusive definition of educational institutes to which the SEBC reservation applies practically rules out Medical and other professional colleges because ultimately, inevitably, recognition by a government approved body is required for any professional degree. Without that, there is no post-graduation, no internship completion, no license to practice, no enrollment; the list goes on.

Government control is omnipresent. All aspects of our lives are controlled. The government, if not actually the owner of the land where the institute is to be built, can always say that it regulates the construction and design of the building. The government exercises control over the institution because it regulates the requisite licensing for operation of canteens in any place in India.

It is nonetheless desirable that efforts to create institutes where only merit matters should be created. Efforts can be made to seek affiliation to some foreign University or board, but the expenses would be higher than simply studying MBBS abroad.

Fighting the issue in Courts of law seems the only way out of the mess created by populist politics.

Adv. Shrirang Choudhary