GOING BY JUDICIAL PRECEDENT, MARATHA
RESERVATION WILL NOT SURVIVE JUDICIAL SCRUTINY
On the eve of
the last Assembly Elections in 2014, the then Government of Maharashtra [GoM] promulgated
an Ordinance. This was after the NDA government led by Narendra Modi swept the
UPA, led by Congress’ Manmohan Singh led government out of power. The Ordinance
provided 16% reservation to the Maratha community. It was challenged
promptly. In due course, after hearing parties at length, the High Court of Bombay
stayed the Ordinance and the reservation.
The Supreme Court refused to intervene in this matter.
After the formation of the BJP-Shivsena Alliance Govt led by Devendra Fadnavis, a law was enacted to provide reservation for Marathas, but that was also stayed by the High Court of Bombay.
The Supreme Court refused to intervene in this matter.
Why did the attempt to impose Maratha reservation fail in 2014?
After the formation of the BJP-Shivsena Alliance Govt led by Devendra Fadnavis, a law was enacted to provide reservation for Marathas, but that was also stayed by the High Court of Bombay.
For a version of this article in Marathi, click here.
About four
years after this, the GoM provided reservation for Maratha community by enacting
a law known as the SEBC Act. The main difference in both
laws is that the earlier was based on report of the Rane Committee which did
not have Constitutional status, whereas the current SEBC Act is based on the
recommendations of the Maharashtra State Backward Class Commission, a Constitutional
body led by Justice Gaikwad.
The GoM was
emphatic in saying that the reservation will stand judicial scrutiny. Some
ministers including Sadabhau Khot spoke about it. But Chandrakant Patil, the Chairman
of the Sub Committee for Maratha reservation prays at Pandharpur expressly
seeking that the reservation should withstand judicial scrutiny. Many in the
GoM say that they will deploy an army of lawyers to defend it in Courts of law.
Vinod Tawade, the Education Minister says that the demand for the report of the
Maharashtra State Backward Class Commission to be tabled on the floor of the
house is impractical. His explanation? If opponents read it, they will
challenge the law in Courts!
It becomes
necessary in this backdrop to examine whether the law will really stand
judicial scrutiny. To analyze the issue, it is
necessary to understand the grounds on which earlier reservation was struck
down by Courts in the matter known as Sanjeet Shukla vs. Union of India.
In 1993, the
Supreme Court, while deciding Indra Sawhney, decided that reservation
beyond 50% is unconstitutional. However, in exceptional circumstances, if a
community can be classified as backward, this limit can be breached. However, this
increase should on the basis of quantifiable data. However, the legality of
such enactment granting reservation in excess of 50% would be open to scrutiny
by Court.
In the Constituent
Assembly debates, Dr. Ambedkar had opined, “if the open seats are reduced to
30% due to reservation given to a particular community, then that reservation
would not be just.” Thus, the makers of the Constitution did not agree with
reserved seats being more in number than open seats.
In its
report, the Mandal Commission had included Maratha caste in ‘Forward
Hindu Castes and Communities.’ The National Backward Class Commission had in its
report in the year 2000 said that Maratha caste is a socially advanced class. Maharashtra State Backward Class Commission had refused
to classify the Marathas in the Other Backward Class category, in 2008. This
demand was again refused in 2013.
Maratha
community was counted amongst the Kunbis, but from the 14th century
onwards, Maratha community attained higher social, educational and political class
status because of its occupation and customs. There has no caste wise census
since 1921. Hence there is no proof of the Maratha community being 32% of the total
population of Maharashtra.
For decades,
the Marathas are demanding that they should be included in the OBC. But three reports
of Constitutional committees have rejected that demand.
The papers
provided by the GoM do not show the exceptional circumstances as to why the
benefits of reservation should be given to Maratha community. A community can
be said to be in exceptional circumstances only when it was not able to achieve
social and educational progress because of social oppression or social
deprivation or being alienated from the mainstream. Hence even though the backward
community in India may be more in number than the advanced sections of the
society, cap of reservation at 50% is the law. The reservation based on
recommendations of Rane Committee is illegal.
Reservation of seats in private and
unaided colleges is violation of their Constitutional rights to free trade.
Hence the reservation can not be made applicable to private and unaided
colleges.
According to
the decision of the Supreme Court of India in Rohtas Bhankhar
vs. Union of India, reservation in employment cannot exceed 50%. The
reservation law enacted in 2001 in the State of Maharashtra provides for
reservation of 52%. Hence no reservation can be provided in excess of the
existing reservation for employment.
Present
situation
If the
considerations as above are understood in today’s context, it can be seen that
things have not changed much. Only difference in this and that case is the
report of the Gaikwad Commission. But why was the report not tabled in the
Assembly? Why was the Action Taken Report not made public? It was also reported
in the press that three out of the eight members of the Commission had expressed
views opposing the report. What were those views? What was the opinion of the
Commission? Why should not the so called revolutionary report of 20000 pages be
made public?
This
reservation has cut off 16% of the total seats. Why is there no popular
opposition to the reservation? How can the opposition parties proclaim loudly
that all communities wanted the Maratha community to be given reservation? Is
it not unjust and unfair that all other categories get a cumulative 52% while the
Maratha community, a single caste group, gets 16%? What happens to the Kunbis
who had enjoyed reservation in OBC category till now?
Most
importantly, why are leaders of the Maratha community demanding reservation
from OBC category? And now if reservation is sought from OBC category, why was
so long the rider “without disturbing existing reservations” being bombarded at
every opportunity?
The Chief
Minister had professed his bounden duty to ensure Maratha reservation from day
One. Matter was pending for hearing before the High Court. Literally nobody had
expressed opposition to the reservation. On whose orders then were provocative
slogans being raised? Who was responsible for the headlines causing terrifying
unrest and instability in the society?
Now, after
declaration of the reservation, there is a public outcry, “The fight is not
over. All is well only after Courts clear the reservation.” Leaders are
supposed to provide this wisdom, this patience to their followers. Now the test
is not of the reservation itself but of the so called leadership of the agitation.
The coming days will decide how mature
the society in Maharashtra is.
©Adv. Shrirang Choudhary
- For a Marathi version of this article, click here.
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